Tridib Raman
Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections are scheduled for March next year. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is fully aware that this election is going to be a closely fought contest. Samajwadi Party will also put its full strength into the battle, so he has already begun experimenting with new electoral strategies. A few days ago, Yogi sent a proposal to the central government to change the names of eight districts in Uttar Pradesh, but for certain reasons the proposal has not appealed to the Centre. Yogi had proposed renaming Balrampur after Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Basti after senior BJP and RSS leader Madhav Prasad Tripathi, and Bulandshahr after former BJP Chief Minister Kalyan Singh. According to sources, the original conception behind this idea comes from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), which Yogi now wants to carry forward. The Sangh desires that the BJP government follow the precedent set by Mayawati, who renamed UP districts to glorify “heroes of the downtrodden” (such as Savitribai Phule Nagar and Gautam Buddha Nagar), and continue this tradition. However, the bureaucracy at the Centre has not found the Uttar Pradesh government’s proposal particularly appealing. Their view is that “the state government should broaden the scope of its thinking and consider the matter in a wider perspective.” The central bureaucracy has even offered some alternative suggestions of its own to the state government. For instance, drawing from the 1857 Sepoy Revolt, Kanpur could be renamed Kranti Nagar, and Jhansi could be renamed Lakshmibai Nagar. For now, the entire matter appears to be hanging in limbo.
When Abhishek Felt the Shock
Tridib Raman
In 2011, with the proclamation of a new politics and vowing to dismantle a tired and entrenched Left regime, Mamata Banerjee came to power in West Bengal. People began to hope for a new, optimistic form of politics. Yet over the past fifteen years of Trinamool rule, Mamata too gradually transformed from a movement leader into part of a political machine. Democratic trust began to creak and falter once again, and in many ways the Trinamool government started resembling the very Left government that preceded it. This time, when the saffron wave swept through and Mamata’s fortress collapsed, the number of her party’s legislators fell dramatically, from 213 to just 80. This forced party strategists to rethink their approach. Just a day after the West Bengal election results were declared, Abhishek Banerjee convened an important Zoom meeting with the party’s newly elected legislators and district presidents. When the online meeting began, four district presidents were absent. They sent Abhishek a message saying that after enduring such a marathon election process they were exhausted and had gone out with their families on vacation; where they currently were, there were network issues, so they could not join the Zoom call. Up to that point the situation seemed understandable. But when Abhishek noticed that out of the 80 elected MLAs, only 69 had joined the Zoom meeting, and the remaining eleven were nowhere to be seen, his anger shot through the roof. However, a senior TMC leader present in the meeting calmed him down, saying: “It’s alright. Let the cadre breathe for a while. They have just come back after fighting a huge battle. Many more fierce battles lie ahead. It is not the right moment to raise the spear. We will strike at our opponents when this BJP government makes a mistake.” Abhishek seemed to gain a better understanding of the current circumstances and the realities of the new political landscape.
What Is in the Latest IB Report?
Tridib Raman
About a fortnight ago, the Intelligence Bureau submitted an important report to the central government. It is said that preparing this report took more than three months. The report is based on an extensive ground survey conducted by the IB in which public opinion regarding the popularity of the Prime Minister and the central government was assessed. Various government schemes were evaluated on the scale of their success, and the performance, capability, achievements, and popularity of chief ministers from BJP-ruled states were also examined. One major conclusion that emerged from the report is that if there has been any issue in recent times that has somewhat dented the image of the central government and its leader, it is the UGC issue. It is now possible that the PMO may soon hold the Human Resource Development Ministry accountable, asking whose idea it was to bring in the UGC measure and why such a step was not preceded by deeper deliberation.
Rahul’s Search for His Own “Gopal”
Tridib Raman
Is this the moment of farewell for K.C. Venugopal, who has long served as Rahul Gandhi’s eyes, ears, and voice? He has been serving as General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) for a long time. He first received this responsibility in April 2017, when he was appointed party General Secretary and also made in-charge of Karnataka. Later, at Rahul Gandhi’s initiative, he was given the additional responsibility of overseeing the organisation. Even after all these years, he continues to hold the position of General Secretary (Organisation). Now, two factors are strengthening speculation about his possible departure. First, the reorganisation of the Congress organisation has been pending for a long time. Reports now suggest that the Congress organisation may soon be given a new face and structure. Perhaps for this reason, the search for Venugopal’s successor has already begun. At present, three names are circulating in this race. As Sonia Gandhi’s preferred choice, Ashok Gehlot appears to be leading the list. On the basis of seniority, Kamal Nath remains firmly in contention. Meanwhile, if one speaks of Rahul Gandhi’s preference, he is said to be pushing forward the name of Bhanwar Jitendra Singh. Venugopal’s name is also being mentioned as a possible future Chief Minister of Kerala. He has previously served as an MLA from Alappuzha in 1996, 2001, and 2006. However, at present, the line of Congress leaders in Kerala eager to support him is not particularly long. A common complaint among Congress leaders and workers in Kerala is that “K.C., while in Delhi, often remains beyond their reach. Even getting an appointment to meet him is quite difficult, because he remains completely absorbed in the shadow of the Gandhi family.” Meanwhile, leaders from the rival faction led by V.D. Satheesan argues that “what exactly has K.C. contributed to state politics?” In Delhi, after spending more than five years as General Secretary (Organisation), Venugopal has altered both the profile and the working style of this position compared to his predecessors. Earlier office-holders functioned as trouble-shooters for the party. Venugopal, however, transformed himself into a political shadow of Rahul Gandhi, becoming one of those leaders who move constantly around him. Now the party needs someone in this position who can act as a crisis-manager, capable of rescuing the organisation in difficult situations. Perhaps that is why Sonia Gandhi’s eyes, for the moment, appear to be fixed solely on Ashok Gehlot for this role.
From NTPC to the PMO
Gurdeep Singh, who has been holding the position of Chairman and Managing Director of NTPC for the past ten years, is now set to make another major leap. Sources say that he may soon replace Tarun Kapoor in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) as an advisor to the Prime Minister. In this role, he may be entrusted with the important responsibility of overseeing the energy and infrastructure sectors. It is worth noting that Gurdeep has continuously remained at this top position in NTPC since 2016. He has more than 35 years of experience in the energy sector, having started his career in 1987 as an engineer in the same organisation. After that, he worked with several major companies in the energy sector, such as PowerGen, CESC, and IDFC, among others. Just last year, on 31 July 2025, he received a one-year extension at NTPC until 1 August 2026. Now the Power Ministry has constituted a Search-cum-Selection Committee to find his successor. Such a committee is usually formed when the Public Enterprises Selection Board (PESB) is unable to select a suitable candidate on its own. According to sources, in the past year at least 12 candidates have been interviewed for the post of NTPC Chairman, but none of them were found suitable for the position.
Mithilesh Tiwari’s Rise
The absence of a heavyweight leader like Mangal Pandey from the latest cabinet formed by Bihar’s newly appointed Chief Minister, Samrat Chaudhary, is truly surprising. Mangal Pandey has played a pivotal role in every BJP-led coalition government in Bihar to date. He has previously served as President of the Bihar BJP and has, on numerous occasions, acted as the party’s crisis manager. This time around, he also deserves a share of the credit, albeit to a certain extent, for the BJP’s success in Bengal, where he served as the party’s election in-charge. However, the BJP has instead chosen to place its bets on Nitish Mishra and Mithilesh Tiwari, a relatively fresh Brahmin face, to fill his shoes. Mithilesh Tiwari, who runs a coaching centre in Patna, has long been associated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and shares deep ties with the RSS. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, he contested from Buxar on a BJP ticket but was defeated by the RJD’s Sudhakar Singh. This time, the BJP fielded him from Baikunthpur in the Assembly elections, where he emerged victorious. According to sources, Mithilesh Tiwari’s candidature was strongly backed by Bhikhu Bhai Dalsaniya, the BJP’s Organisational In-Charge for Bihar. Dalsaniya, who is counted among the closest confidants of Prime Minister Modi and Amit Shah, was appointed General Secretary (Organisation) of the Bihar BJP in 2023, succeeding Nagendra Nath. It is said that Dalsaniya played a key role in propelling Mithilesh Tiwari within Bihar’s saffron politics. A native of Gujarat with deep roots in the Sangh, Dalsaniya possesses exceptional expertise in crafting electoral strategies and building party organisational structures. Meanwhile, speculation is rife about Mangal Pandey. Sources indicate that the BJP’s top leadership is planning something significant for him. He could be given a key role in Nitin Nabin’s national team, appointed as a National General Secretary and placed in charge of a major state, or even inducted as a Union Minister in the long-awaited Modi cabinet reshuffle, expected around the Monsoon Session of Parliament.
When Mamata Told Akhilesh, “I-PAC Misled Me”
As soon as the results of the latest West Bengal elections came out, Akhilesh spoke to “Didi” on the phone for about forty–forty-five minutes before leaving for Kolkata to meet her. During the conversation, he asked her where exactly she and her strategists had gone wrong in this election. Didi immediately replied, “These I-PAC people made a fool of me. Till the very last moment they kept saying that we were winning. Even their final report about the number of seats said we would get 190 seats. They kept insisting that no matter how adverse the circumstances were, we would win at least that many seats. Regarding my Bhabanipur seat, they always told me there was no problem there. If they had told me earlier, I could at least have considered changing my seat.” She added that after the results came out, they began saying that “they had not been able to properly measure the impact of the SIR. Their entire focus was on extracting money from us.” Didi’s words left a deep impression on Akhilesh. As soon as he hung up the phone, the first decision he made was that he would not give his work to I-PAC. Soon after, the announcement was made that ties with I-PAC had been severed.
