Tridib Raman
For quite some time, the relationship between the BJP and the RSS has been like a game of snakes and ladders, but the RSS top leadership wants better coordination with the BJP. For this reason, in the coming days, a major organizational change may be seen in the RSS. Reliable sources associated with the Sangh reveal that, to establish better coordination with the BJP, the Sangh may bring Atul Limaye in place of Arun Kumar. Indications of this were seen in the three-day meeting convened by the Sangh in Jabalpur from October 30. It is noteworthy that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s All India Executive Committee’s three-day meeting is currently underway at Kachnar City in Jabalpur. In this meeting, Sanghchalaks, Karyawahs, Pracharaks, and invited workers from 11 regions and 46 provinces are participating. All 6 Sah-Karyavahs of the RSS, namely Dr. Krishna Gopal, Mukunda, Arun Kumar, Ramdatt ji Chakradhar, Alok Kumar, and Atul Limaye, are also present. According to sources, the top leadership of the Sangh has almost made up its mind to bring Atul Limaye in place of Arun Kumar.
At present, Arun Kumar works as the communication bridge between the Sangh and the BJP. Atul Limaye, 54 years old and originally from Nashik, Maharashtra, belongs to the Chitpavan Brahmin community. He rose to prominence during the recent Maharashtra elections, where he reportedly played a crucial role in bringing the BJP alliance to power. He is an engineer by profession and joined the Sangh as a full-time Pracharak nearly three decades ago. He has a strong hold in states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Goa. It is said that he devised strategies to effectively tackle issues such as “urban Naxalism” and the Maratha agitation. He has also helped the Sangh set up several think tanks and research teams. Limaye is credited as the architect of the RSS’s widely discussed “Sajag Raho” campaign. He has also been known to influence appointments to various educational and political government positions. Since in the coming days, a complete reorganization of the BJP’s structure is expected, the Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat, by handing over the command of coordination with the BJP entirely to Limaye, may also want to create an indirect pressure on the BJP’s top leadership.
Saffron Doors May Open for Sanjay Joshi
Tridib Raman
Although a section of the media is projecting Sanjay Joshi as the next BJP President, his ascension to the presidential chair might be a tough nut to crack. Sources close to the RSS clarify that Sanjay Joshi’s return in the new BJP organization is possible, and RSS Chief himself has made the most efforts for this. It is believed that RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, on his own initiative, held several rounds of discussions with the BJP leadership regarding Sanjay Joshi and has persuaded them to forget old grievances and start a new relationship. It is said that, at the initiative of the Sangh leadership itself, Sanjay Joshi has already spoken with PM Modi at least twice, and has also met Amit Shah on more than one occasion. This lends weight to the possibility that around the New Year, when the BJP gets its new National President and the party carries out its organizational reshuffle, Sanjay Joshi could be given a major responsibility. He could either be made a Party General Secretary or a National Vice-President.
Why Didn’t Chidambaram Get Saffron Support?
Tridib Raman
Though Congress leader P. Chidambaram has in recent times indirectly started singing a saffron tune, it doesn’t seem to be bringing him any particular benefit. The sword of the ED still hangs over his MP son, Karti Chidambaram, as it did before. Karti had filed an appeal before the Appellate Tribunal for Forfeited Property against the properties seized by the ED under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, but the tribunal has now rejected his appeal. Highly reliable sources claim that father Chidambaram stood firmly beside his son during this difficult time and made repeated phone calls to a powerful central minister in the government, to get some immediate relief for him. However, it is said that the minister never came on the line. Chidambaram was informed from the minister’s office that the minister is very busy with the Bihar elections and cannot be reached, and that he could leave a message if he wished. Later, when a close associate of the minister wanted to know why they weren’t helping the father-son (Chidambaram) duo, who are consistently exposing the Congress and, knowingly or unknowingly, helping “us”, the minister’s response was noteworthy. According to the minister, “They need help today, so they are pretending to help us by criticizing their own party. Their purpose will be served today; if we help them, they won’t even recognize us tomorrow.” Party’s top leadership feels that if this father-son duo really has so much sympathy for the BJP, they should first join the party; only then can the question of helping them be considered.
Why is Nitish Essential for BJP?
Tridib Raman
At one point, the BJP leadership felt that it would be better to part ways with Nitish in this Bihar election. Perhaps this was the reason why, strategically, the BJP did not declare Nitish as the NDA’s ‘CM face’. The BJP’s Chanakya repeatedly said, whenever the opportunity arose, that this time the elected MLAs of the NDA would choose their own leader. Prashant Kishor was also left behind Nitish. PK had even claimed that this time Nitish would be confined to within 25 seats. But as the election hour drew closer, Nitish too staked his claim firmly. He even sent a message to Chirag Paswan that this time he would not be spared. Perhaps this was why, on a public stage, Chirag had to touch Nitish’s feet. Nitish, showing magnanimity, went to Chirag’s house on the occasion of Chhath Mahaparv’s Shubharambh-Kharna to accept prasad. In reality, Nitish wanted to send a message to the Paswan voters of the state that he harboured no enmity towards Chirag Paswan. It is said that when Nitish postponed two of his joint rallies with the Prime Minister, Modi too had to say in his subsequent speeches that “Bihar’s development will be carried out jointly by Narendra and Nitish.” Amit Shah also had to accept him as the NDA’s CM face. By transferring ₹10,000 into the accounts of 75 Lakh women voters in the state, the BJP considered it their biggest gamble so far, but on the ground, it was Nitish who emerged as the greatest beneficiary of this move. The women of Bihar have given Nitish a new nickname: “Das Hazariya Chacha.” Hence, this is the reason why Nitish’s importance and standing suddenly rose among BJP leaders.
Golden Time for Election Management Agencies
Tridib Raman
Whether Prashant Kishor achieved anything or not, with his strategic brilliance and unique election management techniques, he has brought great fortune to the agencies involved in election management, raising their market rates considerably. Now, these agencies want to charge political parties whatever price they wish. Take this Bihar election itself, for example: Tejashwi’s advisor Sanjay Yadav brought in a relatively new agency. Several rounds of presentations were held, and Tejashwi liked the agency’s scientifically sound way of working. He even developed some faith in their ground-level surveys. In a way, he had made up his mind to give the agency work for his party, RJD. But when he heard the amount the agency demanded, Tejashwi was stunned. The price is said to be around ₹100 crore. Tejashwi folded his hands before the agency’s key people and said, “Our poor party doesn’t have that much money.” A similar incident happened with Samajwadi Party supremo Akhilesh Yadav except that he was asked for double that amount! Elections in Uttar Pradesh are in 2027, and Akhilesh too bid goodbye to that agency. The Aam Aadmi Party has its own ‘in-house’ arrangement for election management, yet it outsources a little work. Keeping the upcoming Punjab elections in mind, several agencies have given such presentations before Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann as well. But upon hearing their demands, Mann too dismissed them, saying they should go to Delhi and meet Arvind Kejriwal, as it is he who usually takes the final decision in such matters.
When a Proposal Turned into a Warning
Recently, a minister from an NDA ally in the Central government went to meet the most powerful leader in the BJP and presented before him a “blueprint”, a detailed plan containing deep deliberations on what new initiatives the BJP could undertake to attract Jat voters in Western Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, and Rajasthan. But the powerful leader was already in an angry mood. Pushing aside the blueprint, he said in a rather stern tone: “What I actually wanted to ask you was, in what capacity does your wife visit your ministry? She regularly sits there, holds meetings with businessmen, questions officers, issues instructions, and even discusses tenders. Remember, this is not a UPA government. In our setup, such things are not tolerated. This is your first and last warning.” The minister left the meeting without uttering a word, quietly retracing his steps, like the proverbial fool returning home after a scolding.
